When would you like to be in a smaller class: age 5 or age 15?

Question: What links GCSE Design and Technology* with my 4 year old’s class size?

Answer: Money. And the choices we’ve made about how to spend it.

We’ve made the strangest resourcing choices in England, although it is so ingrained in our societal norms that is hard for us to recognise it. Children start at age 4 – younger than most other countries in the world – and from day one we place them into classes that are enormous, by international standards. It is common for us to have reception classes of 30 – OECD data reports the average in primary state-funded schools is 27.1. In other OECD countries primary class sizes are typically around 21 students.

Now, of course we aren’t the only country to have large primary classes, but we are distinctive in that our class sizes shrink considerably as children get older. Class sizes is one of the primary drivers of school funding demands across phases of education. Nobody else makes the same relative funding choices as us.


In most countries class sizes tend to grow as students get older. Perhaps they form a judgement that older children are able to cope in larger classes. Perhaps they feel that smaller classes are needed for pedagogical approaches more widely used with younger children.

(Now, it’s true that a Reception Year class nearly always has a full-time teaching assistant, but they aren’t trained teachers and it doesn’t compensate for limited physical space that becomes easily jammed as 4 year-olds shuffle between activities. By the age of 8 the full-time teaching assistants are long gone in most schools.)


So what are we buying with the cash we’ve saved through these large primary classes? If I told you secondary class sizes are, on average, under 21 students (OECD figures again), would you believe me? Many secondary teachers I speak to are surprised by this low figure because it doesn’t resonate with the classes they teach. The cash doesn’t reduce class sizes across the board. Instead, it is used to buy us two different things.

First, many schools run tiny lower attainment sets in core subjects. This makes sense for these students, who are struggling to access the GCSE curriculum and I am pleased schools make this resourcing decision. However, we have to ask how resourcing deployment contributed to them arriving unable to access the secondary curriculum at age 11 in the first place. Is it optimal to deliver tiny maths class sizes at age 14 (as we do) or at age 8? I couldn’t tell you, but this is a testable question (and evidence on the benefits of small class sizes suggests deploying them in younger age groups is optimal).

Second, we are relatively unusual by international standards because our elective curriculum starts from age 14 (or even 13). For most schools this means delivering partly empty classes, since students rarely select optional subjects in neat multiples of 30. If you try to preserve free choice, but require class sizes to rise as has happened during austerity, then schools inevitably abandon subjects that I personally think are important, e.g. languages and music.

Most people (except Michael Fordham and I) seem to like subject choice. Students love giving up subjects (or teachers!) they dislike. Teachers like losing students who are disinterested in their subject. As someone who is neither a teacher nor a student any more, I am intrigued by the arguments teachers make for ever earlier curriculum restriction. The new GCSE Geography curriculum may indeed be so deep and complex that it requires a three year programme of study, and yet geography doesn’t appear to be so important that all our future citizens have a right to study it to age 16 (or indeed 14 in many schools now)!

This is not a ‘GCSE reform is due’ blogpost – I’d just like us to talk more about all the trade-offs we make when we allow subject choice at Key Stage 4. Giving greater depth to optional subjects through long GCSE programmes comes with two major costs. It removes study time in the subjects for those who do not continue it after Key Stage 3 and it requires us to fund the smaller class sizes that inevitably arise.

I know… I know… you are thinking you’d like to preserve the status-quo in secondaries of small Key Stage 4 class sizes and reduce class sizes in infants. But resourcing education is all about trade offs, and often these trade offs need to happen within education, rather than between education and other parts of the economy. If we want smaller classes in infants then we have to think about whether we are prepared to give up anything else to achieve it.

This isn’t an adjustment that the education system could ever make on its own because it means taking cash away from some schools and giving it to others. Why would secondary teachers sign up for a reform that delivers larger class sizes that include students who would give up studying their subject given half the chance? I’m not saying we should enact this re-distributive policy, but I’d like us to have a fuller conversation about what sort of evidence would help us to make optimal resourcing decisions across phases.

*…or any other GCSE optional subject

Does ‘the gap’ matter to children eligible for free school meals?


Rebecca Allen

David Laws, the Liberal Democrat Minister for Schools, has been making a series of speeches over the past month about “closing the gap” in the attainment between pupils from deprived and more affluent backgrounds. Yesterday, he warned that schools should not be judged as outstanding by Ofsted if they failed to close the gap, a goal that sounds fair and even laudable in principle, but I believe is rather unfair in practice.

The “gap” is the difference in GCSE achievement between the average for pupils who are eligible for free school meals and the average for those who are not. Pupils eligible for free school meals have similar characteristics across schools since they all come from families claiming some sort of benefit. The problem is that the background of pupils who are not eligible for free school meals (FSM) will vary considerably across schools, since the group includes…

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Academy conversions: why money doesn’t always talk


Rebecca Allen

Thousands of primary and secondary schools have chosen to convert to academy status (the chart below covers secondary education). A survey by the think-tank Reform showed that financial considerations were the most widely cited reason for conversion, as predicted by many, including The Guardian.Pie chart showing share of pupils by school type in May 2012

The financial gains arise because academies can directly claim their share of the Local Authority Central Spend Equivalent Grant (LACSEG) (pdf) in recognition of the fact that as independent schools they no longer receive a number of services from local authorities (LAs), and must make appropriate provision for themselves or do without these services. LACSEG money is spent by local authorities on:

  • Educational disadvantage: pupils with special needs but without statements, behaviour support services, educational welfare services, 14-16 practical programmes, assessing free school meals eligibility
  • Educational enrichment: music services, visual and performing arts, outdoor education, museum and library services
  • Risk sharing across schools

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